Tibetan Parlimentary & Policy Research Centre

Written statement

It is my great pleasure to address this gathering of distinguished parliamentarians. I know that some of you have come from very far away to discuss the issues affecting Tibet and how best to promote a peaceful resolution to the situation in my country. The people of Tibet are always encouraged by the support shown by parliaments around the world, and on behalf of the Tibetan people, I want to thank each of you for joining us here today.

I would like to particularly thank the Co-Chair of the Congressional Host Committee, Congressman Benjamin Gilman, who has been so committed to the Tibetan people for many years, as well as the International Campaign for Tibet, for hosting this convention here in Washington, D.C. I would also like to thank the Tibetan Parliament, the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, who is co-hosting this Convention.

Because we are honoured to hold this convention in the great halls of the U.S. Congress, I would also like to express the sincere gratitude of all the Tibetan people to the U.S. Congress for its leadership on the issue of Tibet. From its historic of 1991 declaring Tibet to be an occupied country, to the annual provision of humanitarian assistance to Tibetan refugees, to the establishment of the Tibetan language Voice of America program and Radio Free Asia, the Congress has been at the forefront of international efforts to pressure the Chinese government to change its policies towards Tibet.

It has been now 48 years since the Chinese government first occupied my country. During this period the Tibetan people have endured great hardships and they continue to be denied the many basic freedoms which we in the free world take for granted, such as freedom of speech, of association and of religion.

I am deeply concerned for the well-being of my people. In recent years, the local Chinese authorities in Tibet have dropped all pretence of respecting Tibet's unique cultural and religious traditions and is now engaged in a systematic effort to destroy all that remains Tibetan in Tibet through a host of repressive regulations and practices. This, coupled with the continuing influx of Chinese settlers who now outnumber Tibetans, has led my people to become more and more marginalized in all spheres of life.

The situation inside Tibet brings me tremendous sorrow and my most urgent objective has always been to end the suffering of the Tibetan people. My top priority is to protect and save the Tibetan people's cultural identity. Accordingly, I have tried to adopt a pragmatic approach to find a negotiated solution which is mutually agreeable to the Tibetan and Chinese people. At the same time, I have counselled my people to pursue a path of non-violence even though I understand their frustrations at the lack of any positive developments. My hope is that the Chinese leadership will appreciate the importance of a peaceful settlement to the Tibetan situation, for no matter what the outcome, the Tibetan and Chinese people will have to live side by side. That is why the many proposals I have put forward over the years to peacefully resolve the situation in Tibet have been made in the spirit of reconciliation and compromise.

It is my belief that in order to have constructive negotiations we should concentrate on the future, and let history be history. Of course, as I have said consistently, Tibet was not a part of China before 1949. Even Chinese leaders such as the Republic's founder, Sun Yat Sen and Mao Tse Tung, acknowledge that Tibetans were a distinct nation not just culturally, ethnically, linguistically, geographically, but also politically. Thus Mao talked of China "foreign debt" to Tibet.

Let us leave the past aside and agree to start negotiations, without preconditions, about the future. For it is the future of our people that is at stake.

In 1979 Mr. Deng Xiaoping stated that "everything except independence can be discussed and resolved." I responded positively to this statement. I have categorically stated that I am not insisting on independence for Tibet and my proposal is for a genuine self-rule for the Tibetan people.

In fact it was ten years ago that I announced my Five Point Peace Plan here in the Congress of the United States. In that plan, I laid out my thoughts on a possible solution to the Tibetan situation and expressed my willingness to take into consideration the legitimate needs of China. The plan called for Tibet to be transformed into a Zone of Ahimsa or non-violence and for the Chinese government to abandon its population transfer of Chinese settlers into Tibet; to respect the Tibetan people's fundamental human rights; to restore and protect Tibet's environment; and to begin earnest negotiations on the issue of Tibet.

The Chinese leadership did not respond positively to this proposal and instead indicated that it was not specific enough. Therefore, in 1988 at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, I came out with a detailed framework for a negotiated solution. In recent years I have made further overtures by reiterating my interest in negotiations time and time again, each time expressing a willingness not to raise the issue of independence.

I had sincerely hoped that Mr. Deng Xiaoping would be able to find a solution to the situation in Tibet during his lifetime. In many ways he was a great leader who brought new prosperity to the Chinese people. But he seemed unable to follow through with his promise to enter into substantive negotiations on the issue of Tibet.

I would therefore like to take this opportunity to say to the new leadership in China that I remain ready to enter into honest negotiations so that we can end the turmoil in Tibet. This is not just a critical issue for the Tibetan people, but it is also in the long-term good of China. Peace and stability of the region depends on a solution to the Tibetan situation because Tibet occupies a strategic location in Asia and has historically played a role in maintaining peace in Central and South Asia. I am hopeful that a forward looking and sincere leadership will emerge in Beijing who will understand the benefit of peacefully resolving the situation in Tibet.

At this critical juncture in Chinese history, the international community should encourage China to develop to its full potential by supporting the democratic forces in China. In order to do so the leaders of the world should have the farsighted wisdom to point out China's weaknesses to enable it to become a fully-respected and equal member of the international community. Economic and democratic developments should be addressed jointly, as they are intricately linked.

It is my sincere belief that it would be unproductive to isolate China. Therefore, I have always called for a policy of engagement with China. But at the same time, the international community should be proactive in its dedication to the principles of human rights and democracy that the free men and women everywhere hold so dear. As we are here in Washington, I would also add that because of America's moral and economic leadership around the world, the U.S. has a critical role to play in encouraging China to develop in the right direction.

An important development currently underway which deserves serious attention by the international community is Hong Kong's impending reversion to Chinese rule. There are tremendous similarities between the system of "one country, two systems" China has agreed to uphold with Hong Kong and the system of rule that the Chinese leadership imposed on Tibet shortly after the occupation of Tibet began. Even the details are hauntingly similar, right down to the establishment of a Preparatory Committee which in Tibet, gradually became the de facto government of Tibet, even though I remained the titular head.

I hope that the international community will learn from the bitter experiences we were forced to endure during that painful period in Tibet's history. I also hope that China will honour the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, as they failed to do in Tibet. It is certainly true that the Chinese government will gain invaluable experience during the process of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese rule that could provide them with a new perspective.

The Chinese leadership should see that the U.S. and international support for Tibet or for Hong Kong is not "anti-Chinese". Rather, it represents an outpouring of concern for the suffering of the Tibetan people and an appreciation for our just cause. This gathering today of parliamentarians from around the world is an example of this support. Clearly those of you here today do not hold any ill will towards China. You have come here because of your genuine concern for Tibet and China.

In recent years an increasing number of Chinese individuals, some still living in China, have expressed sympathy for the plight of the Tibetan people. I believe this is because they are gradually becoming aware that there is more to the issue of Tibet than Chinese propaganda would suggest. I am a strong believer in the strength and power of human relationships and have taken the opportunity to interact as much as possible with my Chinese brothers and sisters. These meetings have enabled us to understand our mutual concerns and interests and I believe they are the key to a resolution in Tibet.

My recent visit to Taiwan illustrates this growing understanding and concern by Chinese-speaking people for the culture of Tibet. I believe that in the long run this will help establish mutual understanding and respect between the Tibetan and Chinese people. During my visit I was greatly impressed by the openness and frankness with which the Taiwanese people were able to discuss issues which concerned them. The democratic developments in Taiwan can certainly become a role model for China where the people continue to be denied a role in the political decision making process.

In closing, I would like to thank the representatives from around the world who are gathered here today for your outstanding efforts on behalf of the Tibetan people. The Tibetan people's cultural and religious identity is slowly disappearing in the face of China's continued repression in Tibet. We cannot succeed in our efforts to save the Tibetan culture without your support.

Thank you.

Extempore address of His Holiness the Dalai Lama

The Dalai Lama began by thanking the organizers of the Convention. He remarked that even though his English was getting older as he was getting older, he chose to address the Convention in English because it allowed him to communicate heart to heart.

He said he felt inspired by the support of so many people, many of whom travelled far for this gathering. He told the parliamentarians that in spite of the obstacles faced by him and the Tibetan people, they will not give up hope. He referred to the situation in the Sixties and Seventies when many close friends of Tibet expressed sadness over what they perceived to be an almost hopeless issue. But even though the situation is very grave, he saw indications for hope.

The Dalai Lama said, generally speaking, totalitarian systems no longer function properly. He felt that many of today's Chinese leaders, who are over 60 or 70 years of age, had the genuine belief that their Communist ideology would create a happy society. In the fifties, he too, believed in that ideology, he said. However, today the leadership in China is in a dilemma. In one way they know that the system they established no longer works. Afraid of the possible disintegration as in the Soviet Union, they are looking for a transition. Secondly, the determination of the Tibetan people continued to be strong with younger Tibetans exhibiting the most determination. He said the most encouraging development was the fact that among the Chinese people, a growing number show concern and a spirit of solidarity with the Tibetans.

The Dalai Lama hoped that during its two days of deliberations, the Convention would come out with a more concrete strategy. Outlining his thoughts on conflict resolution, he said that conflict and contradictions are always part of nature. Our very existence is in the nature of conflict. Conflict and contradictions among humanity will always be there. The only way to work is to approach this facts constructively and to transform conflict and contradiction into a positive force. Non-violence comes with this belief.

He said the 20th century was one of many experiences and a period when humanity became more mature. It was a violent century with violence providing no solution whatsoever other than more sadness and grief. The 21st century, he hoped, will be one of dialogue and non-violence. Tibetans are also part of humanity and the Tibet-China conflict should be resolved non-violently. The Dalai Lama said Tibet is landlocked, small in population and large in area. China is richer and more technologically advanced. Tibet may get a benefit from that. He thought it may be beneficial for Tibetans to be conciliatory in such a situation.

The Dalai Lama said that it is a fact that many Tibetans want independence. However, he cautioned the Tibetans not to be anti-Chinese. He said that the Tibet movement is pro-justice, not anti-Chinese. The Dalai Lama felt that by adopting a Middle Way Approach, he was in fact indirectly helping China Stability and unity is their largest concern, he said. Stability comes from satisfaction. By trying to find a mutually satisfactory solution he will promote stability and unity. However, he said China's policy is very short-sighted and unhelpful. If the Tibetan issue is solved through mutual solution, he felt it will create a positive atmosphere for stability in China and for Tibet, Eastern Turkestan and Taiwan. The Dalai Lama referred to his visit to Taiwan in March and said the response by the people in Taiwan to his visit was very positive.

The Dalai Lama referred to the Tibet issue as being a moral issue. He said Tibet was a buffer between two giants-India and China-and therefore he felt his Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet could contribute to regional stability. The Dalai Lama said Tibet's survival was of importance to the international community, too. He said regions like Tibet and Eastern Turkestan have great potential for crisis and flare-ups. Unless there is proper care, he said human emotions can lose control and become dangerous. He believed a solution to the Tibetan problem would be an effective measure against instability and crisis.